Sea power and maritime diplomacy in small island states
A Case Study of Sri Lanka
Sri Lanka, a small island state located in the Indian Ocean region, holds a strategically significant position due to its geographic proximity to major Sea Lanes of Communication (SLOCs), as well as the Indian subcontinent. This unique location places the country at the crossroads of global maritime activity. However, it also subjects it to complex traditional and non-traditional maritime security challenges. Accordingly, understanding the significance of sea power – or more broadly, maritime power – is critical for small island states like Sri Lanka.
In the 21st century, sea power encompasses both military and non-military maritime capabilities. Various stakeholders operate within this domain, engaging with state and non-state actors through both soft and hard power instruments. As a tool of soft power, maritime diplomacy has emerged as a vital instrument, encompassing port visits, joint maritime exercises, civil maritime operations and naval presence. In this context, maritime stakeholders function as the state’s outermost line of engagement and defence, playing a crucial role in addressing emerging maritime challenges. While Sri Lanka may not possess overwhelming naval or military power, its maritime diplomacy offers an effective avenue to enhance its sea power. The Sri Lanka Navy and other constabulary agencies can contribute significantly through cooperative activities such as combined operations, joint patrols, and search and rescue (SAR) missions.
Drawing upon Buldur Thorhallsson’s Shelter Theory, which provides a useful framework for analysing the behaviour of small states, an argument can be made that maritime diplomacy is the most effective and pragmatic means for Sri Lanka to strengthen its position in the maritime domain. In the contemporary geopolitical context, Sri Lanka must skilfully navigate relationships with powerful maritime actors, including the United States (US), the People’s Republic of China (PRC), India, Australia and the United Kingdom (UK), as well as with international organisations. Shelter Theory, therefore, serves as a valuable lens through which to assess Sri Lanka’s strategic options.
Maritime opportunities and challenges
Sri Lanka faces mounting maritime security challenges due to increasing interest and influence from major powers. Initiatives – such as the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD), the Mutual and Holistic Advancement for Security and Growth Across Regions (MAHASAGAR), the PRC’s Belt and Road Initiative and the US’ Indo-Pacific Strategy – have intensified great power competition in the region, placing Sri Lanka in a maritime security dilemma. As a result, the country must delicately balance its participation in bilateral and multilateral maritime engagements.
A notable institutional gap is Sri Lanka’s absence of official national security, defence or maritime strategies. The lack of a published maritime strategy undermines coherence in policy formulation and weakens the country’s maritime diplomatic posture. To engage effectively with regional and extra-regional actors, Sri Lanka must develop a strategic framework which addresses the spectrum of traditional and emerging maritime challenges.
The Indian Ocean region is characterised by a range of maritime security threats. The X-Press Pearl disaster in May 2021, off the coast of Colombo, which caused extensive environmental damage, highlighted the vulnerability of Sri Lanka’s maritime domain. Diplomatic tensions have also arisen from naval visits, such as the visit of a Chinese submarine at Colombo in October 2014 and the Chinese research vessel Yuan Wang 5’s docking at Hambantota in August 2022, both of which strained relations with India.
Sea power and maritime diplomacy: The strategic nexus
The PRC’s maritime expansion in the Indian Ocean region has become increasingly assertive, with a strong foundation laid in Sri Lanka during the 2005-2015 administration of Mahinda Rajapaksa through strategic investments in the Colombo harbour, Hambantota Port and road networks linking key urban and maritime nodes. By contrast, India, previously lagging in strategic outreach, has adopted a more ambitious maritime approach under the current administration of Narendra Modi, as seen in the evolution of its Security and Growth in All the Region (SAGAR) policy to MAHASAGAR, and efforts to counterbalance the PRC through projects such as the West Container Terminal at the Port of Colombo and proposed investments in the Trincomalee oil tank farm.
Both regional powers are expanding their maritime presence in Sri Lanka, which, in the absence of a coherent maritime diplomatic strategy, finds itself increasingly caught between competing geopolitical agendas. Minilateral groupings, such as the QUAD, offer potential opportunities in areas such as maritime surveillance and technological capacity-building. However, Sri Lanka’s structural dependence on the PRC has made engagement with Beijing a strategic necessity, limiting and challenging its ability to capitalise fully on alternative partnerships, regardless of changes in political leadership.
This evolving strategic environment leaves Sri Lanka navigating uncertainty, compelled to balance opportunity with caution amid escalating regional rivalries. The absence of a well-calibrated maritime diplomacy framework significantly undermines the country’s ability to pursue a proactive and balanced foreign policy.
Sri Lanka’s maritime security landscape is multifaceted, requiring the integrated involvement of the Sri Lanka Navy and Sri Lanka Coast Guard alongside other constabulary agencies. However, the lack of a comprehensive maritime policy, maritime strategy and unifying maritime doctrine has hindered inter-agency coordination, strategic planning and the effective application of maritime diplomacy as a critical component of sea power; a vital tool for small island states to engage cooperatively with larger powers and minilateral initiatives.
In this context, Thorhallsson’s Shelter Theory offers a useful analytical framework. It posits that small states rely on political, economic and societal shelters provided by larger powers and international institutions. This is exemplified by India’s naval assistance during maritime disasters such as the X-Press Pearl disaster and the 2023 New Diamond disaster, which demonstrated the tangible benefits of cooperative maritime diplomacy.
Sri Lanka’s underdeveloped maritime technological capabilities further constrain its ability to govern and utilise its Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) effectively. The sustainable exploitation of non-living marine resources, such as mineral deposits, crude oil and natural gas, presents a significant opportunity for national development and strengthening sea power. Unfortunately, the concept of sea power remains poorly understood among non-naval stakeholders, and existing maritime doctrines give insufficient attention to this critical domain.
The institutional weaknesses in Sri Lanka continue to pose significant challenges. For example, despite the year-long moratorium on foreign research vessels, in March 2024, Sri Lanka allowed a German research vessel to dock and replenish its supplies. This decision has raised concerns among some observers, especially since the Sri Lankan government had previously announced a one-year ban on foreign research vessels docking at its ports following the arrival of Chinese research vessels Yuan Wang 5 and Shin Yan 6. These institutional weaknesses, and the inability to establish effective maritime diplomacy, have led to diplomatic tensions between Sri Lanka and various interested parties.
For a small island nation like Sri Lanka, maritime diplomacy is not merely an extension of foreign policy, but a strategic tool for asserting sea power. Without clearly defined maritime interests, it is impossible to formulate an effective maritime policy or strategy. A comprehensive maritime strategic assessment is essential for identifying national maritime interests, setting objectives and guiding policy development. A coherent and proactive maritime diplomatic strategy, integrated within the broader national maritime strategy and led by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Ports and Shipping and the Ministry of Defence, will strengthen national resilience, protect sovereignty and enable Sri Lanka to navigate the evolving dynamics of the Indo-Pacific region.
Conclusion
To govern its maritime zones and safeguard national interests effectively, Sri Lanka must expand its maritime activities and integrate them into a coherent maritime strategy. Despite the country’s considerable maritime opportunities, the strategic exploitation of these resources remains limited. A proactive and comprehensive approach to maritime diplomacy is essential, not merely to react to external events, but to shape the regional narrative and assert Sri Lanka’s maritime agency. Shelter Theory is central to this argument, as it offers a critical lens to understand how small states like Sri Lanka navigate international politics.
For Sri Lanka, this means leveraging diplomatic partnerships with regional powers as well as multilateral institutions in order to mitigate vulnerabilities and enhance maritime resilience. Shelter Theory underscores the importance of proactive diplomacy, allowing Sri Lanka to balance external influences and assert its autonomy within the maritime domain. The absence of clarity in maritime policies has not only impaired Sri Lanka’s national coherence, but also complicated relations with external actors. To rectify this, the government should consider publishing a white paper on maritime strategy to enhance transparency and reduce regional security concerns. Furthermore, consolidating maritime law enforcement agencies under a unified authority would strengthen inter-agency coordination and contribute to a more resilient maritime posture.
Commander (rtd.) (Dr) Roshan Kulatunga is a distinguished former officer of the Sri Lanka Navy, with over two decades of service focused on counter-terrorism and maritime intelligence. He is currently a Research Fellow at the Postgraduate Institute of Humanities and Social Sciences at the University of Peradeniya, as well as a Visiting Lecturer at the Department of International Relations, University of Colombo, and at the Bandaranaike International Diplomatic Training Institute (BIDTI).
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